![]() Amidst the spike in drug-related violence that Ciudad Juarez in Mexico experienced between in the late 2000s, low- and middle-income communities began setting up physical barriers to regulate access to their neighborhoods and thus keep thieves and other criminals out. Of course, it is not only elites that can reshape the urban environment in response to insecurity. Rodgers ( 2004) provides a fascinating analysis of how elites are “disembedding” strategic parts of the Nicaraguan capital city, Managua, as part of their strategy to reduce vulnerability to criminal victimization. ![]() On stigmatization of urban areas, see Moser ( 2004: 93). And, third, the contributions identify how actors and interests that operate at multiple territorial and institutional scales influence the local dynamics and consequences of urban violence. Second, the volume unpacks how the integration of developing world cities into both licit and illicit global economic flows impacts local patterns of and political responses to violence. First, the contributors show how variation in the nature of relations between states and local armed actors poses distinct implications for several outcomes, including patterns of violence, associational life, and economic markets. The empirical contributions to this special issue analyze the politics of urban violence and its consequences for development in major cities across Africa, Latin America, and South Asia. This essay introduces a new framework for analyzing the politics of urban violence that combines a subnational comparative perspective with multi-method and multi-level approaches. ![]() At the start of the twenty-first century, urban violence represents one of the most significant challenges for development across much of the Global South.
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